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February 12, 2006
Op-Ed
Contributor
The Price of Justice
By
DAN ACKMAN
OVER the past several decades, the scope and clout
of the city's administrative law courts have swelled
to the point where there are now at least 500 administrative law judges
scattered among a dozen agencies.
While the judges hear very different kinds of cases, many of them face a
conflict of interest: they are supposed to make independent judgments about
the agencies that pay them. Last year, a ballot measure to bring order to
these courts was approved by city voters. It's a good start, but more needs
to be done.
The administrative courts generally operate under the radar for two
reasons: they can't send people to prison and most of the individual cases
before them, from tax assessment appeals to parking summonses and health code
citations, involve relatively modest fines.
But the stakes add up. According to a 2003 report by the Charter Revision
Commission, which proposed the ballot measure, the courts
levy more than $600 million in fines and fees a year. More important,
the administrative courts have the power to suspend and revoke licenses,
which means they can close businesses and wreck livelihoods. For workers and
businesses licensed by the city — street vendors, taxi drivers, restaurants,
grocery stores and dry cleaners among others — the courts wield tremendous
power.
As a journalist and lawyer who has written about and litigated against the
Taxi and Limousine Commission, I can attest to the power of its
administrative judges.
I can also state without reservation that the taxi drivers I have
represented have little confidence in the fairness of the commission's court.
This is in large measure because its judges are hired by the commission, and
can be fired or have their hours reduced at any time. In short, their
paychecks depend on the commission.
The Taxi and Limousine Commission is not alone. The judges at the
Department of Health and Mental Hygiene, for instance, also work directly for
the agency.
Other administrative courts reside within larger agencies. The
Environmental Control Board, for example, is part of the Department of
Environmental Protection; the Parking Violations Bureau is overseen by the
Department of Finance.
Regardless of the agency, the city's administrative judges have an
incentive to serve their own interests, and not those of the public, for one
glaring reason: they have no job security. They are not civil servants, have
no term in office and no contractual rights. With few exceptions, they work
on a part-time or per diem basis. When a judge's income depends on the
goodwill of the prosecuting agency, it's too much to expect that he or she
will hold the balance of justice clear and true.
The ballot measure that passed in November called on the city to impose
its first "codes of professional conduct" on administrative judges.
It's a good idea. But the measure gave little guidance as to what the code
might include. And it said nothing about the way the judges are hired and how
they are paid.
Spurred perhaps by the initiative, Mayor Michael Bloomberg has said he
intends to appoint an administrative justice coordinator to work with him,
the agency heads and the city's chief administrative law judge to review the
entire administrative court system. This effort could lead to genuine reform.
The chief administrative law judge, as it happens, works for the Office of
Administrative Trials and Hearings, a distinct agency. Judges in this court
are hired for five-year terms, serve full time and hear cases only from
outside their agency.
Because its judges serve for fixed terms and are not part of the city's regulatory apparatus, this court can rightly boast
of its status as independent. As the court says on its Web site, the
independence "of the decision maker from the prosecuting agency invites
a higher level of confidence in the fairness of the adjudicative
process."
This is an example that the city's other administrative courts, prompted
by the mayor and renewed public concern, would do
well to follow.
Dan Ackman is a lawyer.
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